By Adelheid Woelfl, DER STANDARD
The intelligence of the crowd. This is the secret of the success of the students and alumni who have been working for two years to transform Serbia. The democratic experiment, which was rewarded on Sunday by the majority of the population, is unique also because the electoral victory was not achieved by any one party, but by a collective of concentrated reason and shared knowledge among all.
The victory of the student list is particularly due to the perseverance of the young people, who invested all their free time, money and energy for months. From the very beginning, the high level of organization of the movement was evident. Everything was decided by democratic voting from the grassroots, the students behaved carefully and radical positions were put aside through long decision-making processes and discussions. Compromise and a common goal, namely the elections, were at the forefront.
All those who participated in this process learned not only how important the Constitution is and what legal initiatives might be needed. They jointly drafted proposals for reforms and, during this process, experienced a true democratic experiment, which no one had seen before. Neither in Serbia nor in the whole of Europe.
The continent's largest democratic movement, attended by tens of thousands of people, is by no means a revolutionary demonstration. Of course, the young people also enjoyed memes on social networks and invented jokes and slogans. But, in essence, they acted with high discipline, like a group of scouts on an extremely challenging expedition.
Unity and professionalism
Again and again, they had to reorganize, set new goals, and focus on the essentials. They met in plenary assemblies and organizing committees, mostly online. They voted on who would speak publicly and when. For months, the young people kept the list of 250 names of their candidates secret. They trusted their university professors and other experts.
And they knew that the regime would immediately take action against anyone whose names were made public. Therefore, they learned to both maintain secrecy and display unity in front of the public. Even now, after the elections, it is still not clear who is foreseen for ministerial positions. But a plan already exists.
Expert cabinet
What is certain is that the country will be governed by a cabinet of experts. For students, the priority now is to strengthen prosecutors' offices and create a police investigative unit, which will investigate corruption and abuse of power by Aleksandar Vučić's regime.
Personat që kanë lidhje me krimin e organizuar duhet të largohen. Mediet duhet të çlirohen nga kontrolli politik. Përvoja në shtetet e tjera tregon se largimi i personave të korruptuar nga drejtësia, policia dhe administrata kërkon vite, nëse respektohen standardet e shtetit të së drejtës.
Gabimet e epokës pas Millosheviçit
Të dielën e kaluar, serbët rifituan një pjesë të madhe të lirisë së tyre, por ende mbetet shumë punë për t’u bërë. Ata që kërkojnë rezultate të menjëhershme tani, nuk po i shërbejnë domosdoshmërisht këtij qëllimi. Nëse reformat nuk shkojnë në thellësi, do të ndodhë ajo që ndodhi pas rrëzimit të Sllobodan Millosheviçit në vitin 2000. Sistemi i Millosheviçit u rikthye nga dera e pasme përmes Vuçiçit. Dhe liria humbi sërish.
Megjithatë, duke pasur parasysh se studentët arritën t’ua përcillnin mesazhin e tyre votuesve, pavarësisht disavantazheve të mëdha mediatike — në televizion pothuajse nuk raportohej fare për ta dhe, kur raportohej, bëhej fjalë për lajme negative —, mund të priten shumë gjëra prej tyre.
Lëvizja studentore është interesante edhe sepse u testuan strategji të reja komunikimi. Një nga elementet më të suksesshme ishin marshimet. Për muaj të tërë, të rinjtë udhëtuan nga një fshat në tjetrin, nga një qytet në tjetrin, duke përshkuar të gjitha anët e Serbisë. Gjatë këtyre marshimeve, shumë prej të cilave i bënë edhe me biçikletë, ata nuk bisedonin vetëm me njëri-tjetrin, por edhe me popullsinë vendase, e cila shpesh i priste të rinjtë sikur të ishin heronjtë dhe heroinat më të mëdha që kishte nxjerrë ndonjëherë Serbia.
Dhuna e regjimit kundër shpresës
Dhe ndoshta të tillë janë vërtet. Sepse për dy vjet me radhë, të rinjtë u fyejnë, u diskredituan dhe u sulmuan nga regjimi i Aleksandar Vuçiçit. Huliganët ushtruan vazhdimisht dhunë kundër lëvizjes protestuese: të rinjtë u rrahën, makina u përplasën me protestuesit, telefonat celularë u përgjuan dhe studentët u arrestuan.
Vuçiç u bë dukshëm nervoz, sepse ishte mësuar të manipulonte njerëzit. Por stili i tij agresiv nuk funksiononte më. Shumë serbë thjesht pushuan së besuari dhe së pasuri frikë prej tij. Ndërkohë, ata i morën seriozisht studentët, të cilët shkonin në fshatrat e tyre dhe i pyesnin se cilat ishin shqetësimet dhe kërkesat e tyre.
Zgjedhjet në Serbi tregojnë gjithashtu se takimet e vërteta mes njerëzve mund të jenë më bindëse sesa një makineri partiake e vajisur mirë dhe e financuar me shumë para. Ky është një mesazh i mirë për të gjitha demokracitë, por edhe për njerëzit që detyrohen të jetojnë nën regjime autoritare. Shpresa e jashtëzakonshme që buron nga zgjedhjet në Serbi po përhapet shumë përtej kufijve të vendit.
Vuçiç dorëzohet
Almost no one expected Vučić to relinquish power so quickly. Over the past two years, he had proven immune to any criticism and seemed unaware of how much he was irritating people with his paternalistic attitude and constant self-aggrandizement. On Sunday, Serbs voted against the so-called "big father," who supposedly could manage everything.
In this sense, the elections were also a vote against an authoritarian model that is deeply rooted in Serbian society. In its place, people elected relatively unknown experts; no one from the student list had previously been promoted as a major leadership figure.
No party
The democratic experiment now continues. Because the student movement neither wants nor can transform into a party, but aims to create the conditions for a democratic state of law and restore the separation of powers: an independent judiciary, a reformed police force, and free media.
On Sunday evening, EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos said the students' aspirations reflected the EU's values. According to Kos, a new chapter can now begin. "The doors of the European Union are open and we are ready to move forward together," she said.
EU Affairs
Indeed, the EU could also open a new chapter in relations with Serbia. So far, with its policy of reconciliation and tolerance towards Vučić, Brussels has repeatedly disappointed the reformist forces. For this reason, many Serbs no longer trust the transitional power that should come from Brussels.
However, precisely because the students' 11-point program largely aligns with the EU's reform proposals, a favorable window of opportunity is opening up for both sides. The EU could finally demonstrate its presence and strength in Southeast Europe again. This would also be appropriate in the face of the aggressive US energy policy in the Balkans under President Donald Trump.
However, all potential partners of the student movement should know one thing: the youth of Serbia will not allow anyone to appropriate them for their own interests. This is precisely what they are fighting against.
